Chapter6Conclusion Thischapter attempts to summarise and provide an overview of the diverse strandsthat emerged in the preceding chapters. These chapters individually andcollectively present a story of the war affected people in North and East inpost war Sri Lanka, their day to day challenges, perceptions, concerns, theiraspirations about future. This study is primality based on perceptions and experiencesof war affected communities in the above regions.
Hence the conclusions and the analysispresented in this study are also based on these perceptions. In order tointelligibly comprehend the experiences and perceptions of the affectedcommunities the analysis of the studyis informed by the theretical and conceptual framework on the literaturereview chapter. This framewosk shapedthe way the data sources are assese to gauge progress with regard to people’ssecurity. This chapter summarises three types offindings that have been explicitly discussed in the previous chapters.
First, perceptions, experinces andopinions of the war affected people. Second , dissatisfaction and nuancedanomalies that the study captured through its qualitative research and thethird is overall patterns of various aspects of human security thatresearcher have identified through theanalysis of the qualitative data. Instead of making recommendations ,researcher prefers present the analysis , so that substantive insights in tothe way that the Sri Lankan reconciliation and security of people process isprogressing. Themost evident and commonly shared opinion of the war affected actors in the North and East was that theybenefitted from the end of war in 2009. They recognised governmentinfrastructure development drive and commended it.
However the most disturbing significantfinding is that post war reconciliation and people’s security process continuesto breed suspicion in communities especially among resettling Tamil communities. This is due to Tamilsbeing suspicious of government’s intentions due to ever growing marginalisationfeeling escalated by post war developments in a number of spheres includingpolitical. As already mentioned in many studies marginalisation in North isperceived as main obstacle to thefreedom and security of resettling communities.
Therefore the government’s peace through development does not acceptableby majority of Tamil and Muslim people in the regions as this furtheraggravates vulnerability among the vulnerable communities. Hence it is naturalfor the majority of the minority community to see the governement’s approachignoring their economic, political and cultural expectations, therefore peoplefind these activities has not made anysignificant change in their wellbeing and security. In this context, it wouldnot be an over exaggeration to claim thatpost war plans demonstrates ‘one step forward and two steps back’ . Followingparagraphs discuss the findings in some detail.
Undoubtedly, the end of the was has improved the physical security of the war affectedcommuniites who lived vulnerable lives for decades under immense and threats. Amajority of the participants in the Northern and Eastern provinces attributetheir present sense of security to the absence of war. However, they emphasisedthe insecurity in their day life which arises from multiple factors andmultiple violence. Heavy militarization, sexual abuses, harassments, domestic violence, small arm violence, heavyuse of alcohol and drugs are considered as new threats to their present andfuture generation.Furthertheir feeling of insecurity was not only directly related to the action orinaction of the security forces but also to their own condition as a societythat had undergone many years of multiple displacement and repeated tragedies.In areas where the military provides security , there is also marked absence ofmen due to death or migration and a highnumber of female headed households.
A combinations of these situationcontributes to the degeneration of society where women are increasinglyvulnerable. The traditional an culturalnorms have been disrupted and women aresometimes forced in to exploitative sexual relationship in order to secure personal, familial and economic security. It was also highlighted that low population has apotential to weak Tamil people’s political voice and also would make them tostep down from first minority group to second minority.
Themilitary intervention in community life operates at three levels . At one levelthere is the nominal presence of the military, where it performs typicalmilitary functions. The purpose of their presence is to maintain assemblecce offorce to prevent any insurrection either perceived or real. At another levelthey are involved in humanitarian and community activities. Women appreciatetheir assistance in constructing houses and assistances in delivering drinkingwater and transporting the sick from remote areas where they have beenresettled.
The third level of military presence is what poses a problem interms of these communities to regaining normalcy. The ever presence militaryinference makes it resemble and occupying force that has quasi permanent andtimes unwelcome presence . This level of military intervention has resulted inthe acquisition and cultivation of the land, commercial activities such asmarketing their products and services and even leaisure and tourism activitieswhere the military runs hospitality operations. This makes the military notonly perceived but in actual fact a competitorfor both for both resources and opportunities. Resettling people struggling toestablish themselves , therefore see the military as interlopers. The militaryand its network of people from Southern part of the country access the bestscarce resources .
They also deprive the local communities from reaping thebenefits of the resources allocated them for improving their condition. Althoughresettling communities believe that they are marvel in these infrastructure developments, yet they areunable to relate them in to actual living reality. Some of them have also beenintermittently involved as voluntary or involuntary labour in this developmentwork with little material benefit to themselves.
Further,the findings also reveals that the local people are unhappy abd unsatisfied ,because they don’t find this development has positive impact on their lives. Itis generally presumed that development of roads serve to connect damaged socioeconomic networks. However when they are completely bereft of resources or networks that facilitateupward social mobility, road development does not provide the expectedconnectivity.
The infrastructure development are yet to make a difference to theirdaily lives. It has no impact on their wellbeing in terms of health, educationor access to other opportunities. Underthese circumstance , CSOs in resettling communities expressed mixed feelings ontheir economic conditions. They arefilled with anxiety and uncertainty for their future in general.
This is mainly due to the economicdevelopment that created uneven ground ,making the clear distinction betweenthe conditions of communities that lived under government control and asopposed to those lived under LTTE’ control for three decades. Inthe absence of substantial assistance for micro level needs such as land , housing agriculture , farming andanimal husbandry and other livelihood activities and access to markets , allreturning communities find prospects for resettlement is very challenging andpainful. Theassessment of attitudes of the communities in the post war shows that most ofthem view their present conditions with deep scepticism and bewilderment . Thisis especially evident among those grass root level CSOs. Similarly in theassessment of trust nd confidence in institutionsof the state , interviewees expressed the district administration and political authoritywanting in terms of being able to deliver on their expectations. The failure to deal with the The most trusted of all state instituions